American Africa Policy -- Divide, Dominate, and Decimate
By Grisso
"E. C. Ballard" wrote:
>
> The following report should be of great concern to all involved in
> Afro-diasporic religions. This is not part of the past nor does it
> involve the "usual suspects". The one good note in the entire episode is
> the action of Interpol.
>
> COTONOU, April 16 (AFP) - Concern was growing Monday over the
> fate of a ship said to be carrying up to 250 child slaves that has
<snip>
In the manner of a skilled propagandist, Eoghan gives us one or two
half-truths and a whole lot of insinuation. Why the Western media is
crying crocodile tears over "slavery" in Africa is easy to fathom.
Randall Robinson wrote a book, "The Debt", that reminds America and
by extension the rest of the West, that its present riches were based
on the twin theft of land and labor, accompanied by the near-genocide
of the indigenous peoples encountered by the Western powers as their
"Manifest Destiny" propelled them to all corners of the globe. To
diffuse demands for reparations, the Powers that Be have launched a
counter-attack in the media. Hence David Horowitz. Hence an upsurge
in stories about "present-day slavery in Africa". The logical
brain-computer is supposed to conclude from these stories that
American Africans ought to be thankful that they are over here, and
so much better off, and not over there, where, look, they *still*
have slavery. If better off over here, why should any reparations be
paid to them? The logical brain-computer is also supposed to draw the
conclusion that Africa *sold* its slaves to the West, rather than
that the West went into Africa kidnapping those that it enslaved, or
instigating the wars that led to a an abundant supply of captives who
could then be enslaved. Never mind that the logical brain-computer is
being deceived on both scores, it makes for very effective
propaganda. On one side, it shores up the home team support that will
instinctively rally against the cause of reparations ... for The Debt
is seemingly impossibly huge ... while however needing some
reassurance that there is moral justification to do what their
pocketbook will in the end in any case dictate. And at the same time
it weakens and confuses the enemy about the simple righteousness of
its cause. It's clearly propaganda. And that Eoghan chooses to spread
it on this group, where it is clearly off-topic, again proves, as he
has demonstrated so many times, that he is friend neither of Africa,
Africans, nor African traditional religion. Like the rest of the
West, the tears he sheds for "child slavery" in Africa, are the tears
of the crocodile.
In the meantime, I notice that the boat has docked somewhere, and
there are no child "slaves", no whips, no chains, no blood, no tears,
no filth. Nothing like the Middle Passage which the ancestors of
American Africans endured...
The real threat to Africa, Africans, and African traditional
religion, continues to lie at the doorstep precisely of "the usual
suspects". I take the liberty -- walking through the door opened by
Eoghan -- of quoting excerpts of a lengthy document -- National
Security Council Memorandum-46 -- which offers some clues as to the
true state of affairs governing relations between the U.S. (and by
extension the West) and Africa, including American Africa and the
Africa of the diaspora. The modalities continue to change with each
new generation and to respond adaptively to changing circumstances,
but the program remains constant, and this Brzezinski memorandum
evinces the mind-set that is the true enemy of Africa and Africans.
It is a mind-set which perceives black nationalist or pan-African
aspirations as a threat, to be always headed off at the pass by
dirty-trick operations, most aimed at sowing confusion and division
in the ranks of the perceived enemy ... the African whether here in
the diaspora or on the continent. In the orchestrated fashion so
typical of Western media manipulation and propaganda -- in pursuit of
this ongoing secret war of which few Africans are even aware, such is
our difficulty imagining the truly diabolical -- we have sensational
stories, simultaneously, by all the major media, about
"child-slavery" in Africa, a shipload full, which turns out to be
nothing of the sort. And this fellow Eoghan leaps gratuitously to
share it with the group, allegedly because it should be of "great
concern to all involved in Afro-diasporic religions" -- why? ATR no
more condones slavery than does the Bible -- and leaps, too soon if
one takes a long historical view, to absolve the "usual suspects".
For the social breakdown in Africa, and indeed in so many other parts
of the world, which creates the condition for the economic
exploitation of the weak and the powerless, eg. child sex workers in
Thailand, child workers in carpet mills in South Asia, child
sweat-shop laborers in Central America, and on and on, are nothing if
not the creation of the diabolical mind-set evinced in the Brzezinski
memo. The "usual suspects" are here the hidden hand, and are the ones
which remain the greatest threat to Africa, Africans, and African
traditional religion.
Peace,
Grisso
---------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIPT OF DOCUMENT
obtained under the Freedom
of Information Act, forming Exhibit 13 of
plaintiff's brief in Boyd Graves v.
The President of the United States
on behalf of the innocent victims of
the U.S. Special Virus program that
created, manufactured, and proliferated
the virus now known as HIV/AIDS.
National Security Council Memorandum-46
[Secret] March 17, 1978
Presidential Review Memorandum/NSC-46
TO: The Secretary of State
The Secretary of Defense
The Director of Central Intelligence
SUBJECT: Black Africa and the U.S. Black Movement
The President has directed that a comprehensive review be
made of current developments in Black Africa from the
point of view of their possible impacts on the black
movement in the United States.
The review should consider:
1. Long-term tendencies of social and political
development, and the degree to which they are
consistent with or contradict the U.S. interests.
2. Proposals for durable contacts between radical
African leaders and leftist leaders of the U.S. black
community.
3. Appropriate steps to be taken inside and outside the
country in order to inhibit any pressure by radical
African leaders and organizations on the U.S. black
community for the latter to exert influence on the
policy of the Administration toward Africa.
The President has directed that the NSC Interdepartmental
Group for Africa perform this review.
The review should be forwarded to the NSC Political
Analysis Committee by April 20th.
[signed] Zbigniew Brzenzinski
cc: The Secretary of the Treasury
The Secretary of Commerce
The Attorney General
The Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff
SECRET
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
INTERDEPARTMENTAL GROUP
FOR AFRICA
STUDY IN RESPONSE TO PRESIDENTIAL SECURITY
REVIEW MEMORANDUM: NSC-46
BLACK AFRICA AND THE
US BLACK MOVEMENT
...
~II.A. U.S. INTERESTS IN BLACK AFRICA
A multiplicity of interests influences U.S. attitude
toward black Africa. The most important of these interests
can be summarized as follows:
1. Political
If black African states assume attitudes hostile to the
U.S. national interest, our policy toward the _white_ regimes,
which is a key element in our relations with the black
states, may be subjected by the latter to great pressure for
fundamental change. Thus the West may face a real danger
of being deprived of access to the enormous raw material
resources of southern Africa which are vital for our
defense needs as well as of losing control over the Cape
sea routes by which approximately 65% of Middle Eastern
oil is supplied to Western Europe.
Moreover, such a development may bring about internal
political difficulties by intensifying the activity of the black
movement in the United States itself.
It should also be borne in mind that black Africa is an
integral part of a continent where tribal and regional
discord, economic backwardness, inadequate infrastructures,
drought and famine, are constant features of the scene. In
conjunction with the artificial borders imposed by the
former colonial powers, guerilla warfare in Rhodesia and
widespread indignation over apartheid in South Africa,
the above factors provide the communist states with ample
opportunities for furthering their aims. This must necessarily
redound to the detriment of U.S. political interests.
2. Economic
Black Africa is increasingly becoming an outlet for U.S.
exports and investment. The mineral resources of the area
continue to be of great value for the normal functioning of
industry in the United States and allied countries. In 1977,
U.S. direct investment in black Africa totaled about $1.8
billion and exports $2.2 billion. New prospects of
substantial profit would continue to develop in the
countries concerned.
IV. BLACK AFRICA AND
THE U.S. BLACK MOVEMENT
Apart from the above-mentioned factors adverse to
U.S. strategic interests, the nationalist liberation
movement in black Africa can act as a catalyst with
far-reaching effects on the American black community
by stimulating its organizational consolidation and by
for~[g]~ing radical actions. Such a result would be likely
~~~~~~~~~~~~ovement the way of Angola and Mozambique.
A recurrence of the events of 1967-68 would do
serious harm to U.S. prestige, especially in view of
a concern of the present Administration with human
rights issues. Moreover, the Administration would have
to take specific steps to stabilize the situation. Such
steps might be misunderstood both inside and outside
the United States.
In order to prevent such a trend and protect U.S.
national security interests, it would appear essential to
[~~~illegible ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~]
African Nationalist Movement
In elaborating U.S. policy toward black Africa, due
weight must be given to the fact that there are 25 million
American blacks whose roots are African and who
consciously or subconsciously sympathize with African
nationalism.
The living conditions of the black population should
also be taken into account. Immense advances in the ~~~
field are accompanied by a long-lasting high rate of
unemployment, especially among the youth, and by
poverty and traditional dissatisfaction with government
social welfare standards.
These factors taken together may provide a basis for
_joint_ actions of a concrete nature by the African nationalist
movement and the U.S. black community. Basically, such
actions would take the form of demonstrations and public
protests, but the likelihood of violence cannot be ex~[cluded.]~
There would also be attempts to coordinate their political
activity both locally and in international organizations.
Inside the United States, these actions could include
protest demonstrations against our policy toward South
Africa accompanied by demands for boycotting corporations
and banks which maintain links with that country: attempts
to establish a permanent black lobby in Congress including
activist leftist radical groups and black legislators; the
reemergence of pan-African ideals; resumption of protest
marches recalling the days of Martin Luther King; renewal
of the extremist national idea of establishing an "African
Republic" on American soil. Finally, leftist radical
elements of the black community could resume extremist
actions in the style of the defunct Black Panther Party.
Internationally, damage could be done to the United
States by coordinated activity of African states designed to
condemn U.S. policy toward South Africa and to initiate
discussion on the U.S. racial issues at the United Nations
where the African representation constitutes a powerful
bloc with about one third of the votes.
A menace to U.S. economic interests, though not a
critical one, could be posed by a boycott by black African
states against American companies which maintain contact
with South Africa and Rhodesia. If the idea of economic
assistance to black Africans shared by some African
regimes could be realized by their placing orders in the
United States mainly with companies owned by blacks,
they could gain a limited influence on the U.S. black
community.
In the above context, we must envisage the possibility,
however remote, that black Americans interested in
African affairs may refocus their attention on the Arab-
Israeli conflict, taking into account the African descent of
American blacks, it is reasonable to anticipate that their
sympathies would lie with the Arabs who are closer to
them in spirit and, in some cases, by blood.
Black involvement in lobbying to support the Arabs may
lead to serious dissension between American blacks and
Jews. The likelihood of extremist actions by either side is
negligible, but the ~[distinct possibility exists]~
2. Political Options
In the context of long-term strategy, the United States
cannot afford a radical change in the fundamentals of its
African policy, which is designed for maximum protection
of national security. In the present case, emphasis is laid
on the importance of black Africa for U.S. political,
economic, and military interests.
RECOMMENDATIONS
In weighing the range of U.S. interests in black Africa,
basic recommendations, arranged without intent to imply
priority, are:
1. Specific steps should be taken with the help of
appropriate government agencies to inhibit coordinated
activity of the black movement in the United States.
2. Special clandestine operations should be launched by
the CIA to generate mistrust and hostility in American and
world opinion against joint activity of the two forces, and
to cause division among black African radical national
groups and their leaders.
3. U.S. embassies to black African countries specially
interested in southern Africa must be highly circumspect in
view of the activity of certain political circles and
influential individuals opposing the objectives and methods
of U.S. policy toward South Africa. It must be kept in
mind that the failure of U.S. strategy in South Africa
would adversely affect American standing throughout the
world. In addition, this would mean a significant
diminution of U.S. influence in Africa and the emergence
of new difficulties in our internal situation due to
worsening economic prospects.
4. The FBI should mount surveillance operations against
black African representatives and collect sensitive information
on those, especially at the UN, who oppose U.S. policy
toward South Africa. The information should include facts
on their links with the leaders of the black movement in
the United States, this making possible at least partial
neutralization of the adverse effects of their activity.
V. TRENDS IN THE
AMERICAN BLACK MOVEMENT
In connection with our African policy, it is highly
important to evaluate correctly the present state of the
black movement in the United States and, basing ourselves
on all available information, to try to devise a course for its
future development. Such an approach is strongly suggested
by our perception of the fact that American blacks form a
single ethnic group potentially capable of causing extreme
instability in our strategy toward South Africa. This may
lead to critical differences between the United States and
black Africa in particular. It would also encourage the
Soviet Union to step up its interference in the region.
Finally, it would pose a serious threat to the delicate
structure of race relations within the United States. All the
above considerations give rise to concern for the future
security of the United States~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
undergone considerable changes.
The principal changes are as follows:
-- Social and economic issues have supplanted po~[litical]~
aims as the main preoccupations of the movement. ~~~~~~~
actions formerly planned on a nationwide scale are ~[now]~
being organized locally.
~~ Fragmentation, and a lack of organizational unity ~~~~~
movement.
-- Decrease of influence in the movement's extremist
groups
-- Sharp social stratification of the black population
and lack of policy options which could reunite them.
-- Want of a national leader of standing comparable to
that of Martin Luther King.
B. THE RANGE OF POLICY OPTIONS
The concern for the future security of the United States
makes necessary the range of policy options. Arranged
without intent to imply priority, they are:
(a) to enlarge programs, within the framework of the
present budget, for the improvement of the social and
economic welfare of American blacks in order to ensure
continuing development of present trends in the black
movement;
(b) to elaborate and bring into effect a special program
designed to perpetuate division in the black movement ~[to]~
neutralize the most active groups of leftist radical
organizations representing different social strata of the
black community; to encourage divisions in black cir~[cles]~
(c) to preserve the present climate which inhibits the
emergence from within the black leadership of a person
capable of exerting nationwide appeal;
(d) to work out and realize preventive operations in
order to impede durable ties between U.S. black organizations
and radical groups in African states;
(e) to support actions designed to sharpen social
stratification in the black community, which would le~[ad to]~
the widening and perpetuation of he gap between
successful educated blacks and the poor, giving rise to
growing antagonism between different black groups and
weakening of the movement as a whole;
(f) to facilitate the greatest possible expansion of black
business by granting government contracts and loans on
favorable terms to black businessmen;
(g) to take every possible means through the AFL-CIO
leaders to counteract the increasing influence of black~~~~
labor organizations which function in all major unions, ~[in]~
particular the national Coalition of Black Trade Unions
and its leadership including the creation of real precon~[ditions]~
for adverse and hostile reaction among white trade
unionists to demands for improvement of social and
economic welfare of the blacks;
(h) to support the nomination at federal and local l~[evels]~
of loyal black public figures in elective offices, to
government agencies and the court. This would prom~[ote]~
the achievement of a twofold purpose: first, it would
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